African Entrepreneurship Record

Chapter 1464: Chapter 24: Underground Organization (2)

”However, we have withstood the pressure. From 1918 until now, we have newly recruited more than fifty members. Currently, the organization members in Yekaterinoslav total one hundred and thirty-two.”

”We are dispersed in Yekaterinoslav’s factories, military, and other places, while also controlling an underground newspaper used to disrupt enemy-occupied area’s public opinion propaganda.”

After listening to his report, Malinkov fell into deep thought. Judging by the situation Toma Jefuka described, the organizational development in Yekaterinoslav, also known as the pseudo-military government’s named city of Xiqueslav, has overall been rather good.

After all, since the Russian Labor Party successfully seized national power, it provoked extreme fear in imperialist countries, further inciting imperialist suppression of Labor Party organizations in regions outside of Russia.

It’s important to know that at the same time, in 1921, the Far East Empire’s Labor Party members also numbered just over fifty, despite the Far East Empire’s population being as high as four hundred million. In contrast, Yekaterinoslav’s total population is only about two hundred and thirty thousand, yet it developed over a hundred organization members. This accomplishment is indeed quite significant.

Besides, the situation in Yekaterinoslav is equally complex. Here is the frontline between Russia and imperialist confrontation; imperialist and pseudo-military government forces are extremely strong.

In addition to suppression from reactionary forces, internal threats within the Labor Party organization also exist, since the Labor Party is essentially an ideal type of party.

Thus, true Labor Party members should aim for the cause of global harmony as their lifelong goal, and be unafraid to sacrifice, daring to bleed and sweat.

But ultimately, as long as they are human, none are unafraid of death. Not to mention the threat of death, the vast majority are selfish animals, so the Labor Party organization inevitably faces constant betrayals while trying to develop.

”Comrade Toma Jefuka, I understand your difficult conditions; I can only say you are truly steadfast Labor Party warriors, being able to withstand pressure and drive the movement’s development in Yekaterinoslav even under such circumstances indeed isn’t easy.”

”I will report your situation and achievements word-for-word to the organization. I believe that on the day Ukraine is liberated, you will bask in the sunlight and applause of the people.”

Regarding Malinkov’s commendation, Toma Jefuka excitedly said, ”This is what we should do, as we are currently dedicating our meager strength to the great cause of developing human society. I believe that through our collective efforts, the future world will bask in sunlight.”

”In comparison to our sacrifices, the Ukrainians are experiencing true tragedy now, so liberating Ukraine is what I most hope to see at this stage.”

Concerning the current Ukrainian situation, Toma Jefuka’s words rang true. Ukrainian citizens indeed live in dire straits.

Although World War I has ended and Ukraine’s ruling class has established its ”long-desired” independent state, the living conditions for Ukraine’s grassroots people haven’t improved at all.

Not only have they not improved, but due to the need to combat Russia, the puppet government in Ukraine has become increasingly severe in its exploitation and levies, not to mention escalating corruption issues from top to bottom within the government.

One could say that besides not having the Tsar as a mascot overhead, everything remains unchanged in Ukraine, the social order is still based on the old Tsarist Russia Era principles.

This is easy to understand, as today’s Ukrainian government officials are largely the familiar faces of the Tsarist Russia Era. The so-called independence was indeed important to them, as nobody desires to remain oppressed, and they equally do not wish to accept the Tsar’s leadership.

However, resisting the Tsar does not mean opposing the distribution system left from the Tsar era, as they remain beneficiaries of this system.

Yet these concerns have no connection to the ”difficult citizens” of Ukraine, some of whom even hope for a return to the Peasant Slaves system.

The Russian Labor Party indeed has various issues, but there’s no doubt they distributed social wealth. Before corruption within the organization, they viewed the populace or workers as human beings, whereas the plight of Russian farmers hasn’t notably changed.

Nevertheless, this issue is practically not too severe, at least theoretically, as the Russian Labor Party aims to develop production by heavily promoting industrialization, under which farmers can be transformed into workers.

In summary, the Russian Labor Party’s governance over the Russian populace, even if they hold farmer status, is markedly higher than ordinary Ukrainian citizens.

In other words, Ukrainian citizens’ living conditions remain unchanged, their status consistently maintained throughout the Tsarist Russia Era characteristics, under which the puppet government in Ukraine effectively retains the dissatisfaction seen in the Tsarist era.

Therefore, Toma Jefuka said to Malinkov, ”Although our organization in Yekaterinoslav hasn’t grown substantially in scale, we have infiltrated various fields within Yekaterinoslav. We have many supporters, such as steel plant workers, railway workers, soldiers, and some progressive individuals sympathetic to the Ukrainian people.”

”If we can organize them together, perhaps we could successfully overthrow the pseudo-military’s so-called Xiqueslav city government, liberating the entirety of Yekaterinoslav.”

Malinkov inquired, ”So, in your estimation, if we are adequately prepared, how many citizens could we rally?”