African Entrepreneurship Record

Chapter 1326: Chapter 335: Deal Reached

Regarding territorial issues, East Africa has always preferred an all-out approach to eliminate local threats.

Moreover, East Africa has long been displeased with the Horn of Africa, as a large number of Somali exiles initially fled there. Due to Britain’s occupation of the area, East Africa was reluctant to take action. Now, Ernst will naturally not miss this opportunity.

Of course, Ernst has other considerations in eliminating the remaining Somali forces in the Horn of Africa; namely, to completely clear Northeast Africa of Black forces.

The Somali region differs from the Abyssinia Empire. The Abyssinia Empire is a mixed race, while the Somali region consists purely of Black people, although they practice the Arabian Sect.

Black people who believe in the Arabian Sect and harbor hostility towards East Africa can be said to have violated East Africa’s taboos on all fronts. The remaining Somali forces in the Horn of Africa have long been noted by the East African Government.

Currently, the Black people in the Horn of Africa are the only pure Black force bordering East Africa. Hence, acquiring the Horn of Africa and eliminating the local Arabian Sect Black force is worthwhile for East Africa in any respect.

Of course, the Horn of Africa is just one issue in East Africa’s ongoing negotiations with Britain, so Ernst merely stated East Africa’s stance.

Ambassador Thomson said, ”The Horn of Africa is among Britain’s gestures of goodwill. Our subsequent negotiations with East Africa involve the Indian colonies East Africa acquired from France.”

”The Empire is willing to trade the Socotra Islands, Chagos Islands, and Gwadar for East Africa’s three colonial outposts on the Indian Peninsula.”

This statement instantly stirred East Africa’s side, with the upper echelons starting to whisper among themselves, and Ernst’s expression becoming solemn.

Britain has put forth quite a large bait this time; both the Socotra Islands and the Chagos Islands hold great appeal for East Africa.

As for Gwadar, the place is worth pondering. Gwadar is Omani territory; however, it is an Omani exclave located within the present-day Pakistan territory.

East Africa’s Minister of Defense Pripyat said, ”Your country shows considerable sincerity, but Gwadar is Omani territory, meaning the areas in our trade are only the Socotra Islands and Chagos Islands.”

”Yet, in my personal opinion, comparing these two regions with our three colonial outposts in India, they fall short in value.”

Though the three colonial outposts in India that East Africa acquired from France are small in area, they bear entirely different significance in value.

Primarily because, during Britain’s rise, India played a huge role, and even today, India remains a critical pillar sustaining British hegemony.

Pripyat’s words were, of course, aimed at elevating the value of East Africa’s colonial holdings in India.

Ernst then added, ”Indeed, India is an important market; although the Socotra Islands and Chagos Islands have certain strategic value, they are evidently incomparable to India.”

Here, Ernst swapped a concept, equating the three Indian colonial outposts with India itself, which is precisely what the British feared.

Thomson explained, ”Ladies and gentlemen, we will set aside the strategic value of the Socotra Islands and Chagos Islands for now, and directly address your three colonies in India.”

”These three colonies are quite small in area and hold little real significance for your country, hence the British Empire comes in good faith. If your country demands an exorbitant price, we are willing to abandon this negotiation.”

Ernst said, ”How about this, Ambassador Thomson, for East Africa, the value of the Chagos Islands doesn’t match that of the Seychelles. If your country is willing to replace the Chagos Islands with the Seychelles, we can naturally withdraw from India.”

Thomson firmly refused, ”That is impossible. The Seychelles also play an important role in the British Empire’s global interests, so we cannot exchange the Seychelles.”

Britain, of course, understands the importance of the Seychelles to East Africa. They chose to trade the Chagos Islands with East Africa precisely because the importance of the Chagos Islands is far less than that of the Seychelles.

Though the Chagos Islands are situated in the middle of the Indian Ocean, their current role for Britain is minimal; this is primarily due to the geopolitical changes in the Indian Ocean prompted by East Africa’s rise and current advancements in shipping technology.

Previously, due to technical reasons, ships crossing the oceans needed frequent stops to replenish supplies, akin to how Britain and France set up numerous coaling stations overseas.

As the name suggests, coaling stations were places for ships to dock and replenish coal, as steam engines were the mainstream power source for ships.

During the Russo-Japanese War, Russia, lacking overseas colonies, had to carry large amounts of coal on its warships, significantly affecting the war.

As ship technology advanced, modern ships are now faster, can travel further, and take less time, greatly saving energy and supply consumption, making some previously important locations less significant.

The Chagos Islands fall into this category, and although located centrally in the Indian Ocean, they are not on the main route of Indian Ocean trade.

Furthermore, their natural conditions are far inferior to those of the Seychelles. Naturally, the British government intends to use the Seychelles to balance East Africa.

After hearing Thomson’s straightforward refusal, Ernst contemplated for a moment before stating, ”In that case, we cannot entirely agree to trade our Indian colonial holdings with your country.”

”If we only gain the Chagos Islands and Socotra Islands, at most, we will trade two of our Indian colonies with your country.”

This way, East Africa would still retain an Indian colonial outpost as leverage.

Thomson reminded, ”It’s three areas, including Gwadar. I still hope your country can accept our approach.”

Ernst said, ”Gwadar holds little real significance for East Africa. Moreover, as Omani territory, it cannot be a bargaining chip in negotiations between our countries.”

Indeed, Gwadar holds no particular attraction for East Africa. Though adjacent to the Persian Gulf, if East Africa wished to intervene in the Persian Gulf Region, there are many options besides Gwadar.

Seeing Ernst’s persistence, Thomson said, ”In this case, I can only report back to my homeland and continue the negotiation with your country afterward.”

East Africa’s demand is not something Thomson can personally decide on, as he is merely a mouthpiece for the London government.

Thus, the day’s negotiations reached an impasse, with key issues revolving around the Seychelles and the Indian problem.

London quickly responded, insisting on keeping the Seychelles under British control. As for East Africa’s reluctance to fully trade its Indian colonies, reclaiming two is acceptable.

Subsequently, the focus of East Africa’s negotiations with Britain shifted to which two Indian colonies East Africa will trade with Britain.

Ultimately, East Africa decided to retain only Galligal as an Indian colony, while trading Pondicherry and Yan with Britain.

As for the disputed Gwadar, it would be negotiated between the British government and Oman before being handed over to East Africa by Britain.

Though Gwadar is an Omani exclave, Oman’s control is largely nominal, making the three-party transfer quite smooth.

The reason Britain threw Gwadar to East Africa is, in fact, to provide a stepping stone for East Africa to enter Central Asia. Historically, Gwadar was Afghanistan’s outlet to the sea, and past Afghanistan lies the Russian-controlled Central Asia, including northern Afghanistan, also within Russia’s sphere of influence.