African Entrepreneurship Record

Chapter 1323: Chapter 332: Diverting Trouble Eastward

Compared to losing the war, making concessions to East Africa is obviously something that can be accepted. By now, Prime Minister David and the upper echelons of the United Kingdom are already very clear that no country can stop the rise of East Africa and the United States, two powers outside Europe.

To say nothing of East Africa and the United States, whose overall strength ranks among the top Great Powers; even Japan is no longer the little follower the United Kingdom could casually manipulate in the past.

Even without the appearance of East Africa, Japan’s development in the previous timeline already exceeded the United Kingdom’s control. Japan’s later withdrawal from the League of Nations dominated by the United Kingdom and France is solid proof, and during World War II Japan delivered heavy blows against the United Kingdom in Nanyang.

Japan is certainly not as strong as the United Kingdom, but Japan is far enough away from the United Kingdom, and that is Japan’s advantage. Leveraging its geographical position, Japan can even stand toe‑to‑toe with the United States, another Pacific power.

As for East Africa and the United States, they are not all that far from the United Kingdom in terms of distance. After all, in theory, all three belong to the family of Atlantic coastal states. But the sheer scale of East Africa and the United States is several tiers above Japan.

With the world having developed to this point, one can say that the world order formerly dominated by traditional powers such as England and France is already on the verge of collapse. Even Europe’s status as the ”center of civilization” of the world has come under challenge.

Ever since the Age of Exploration, European states rose rapidly and became the founders and controllers of the new world order; since then, this situation has never occurred before.

And the root of this situation lies in the two states, the United States and East Africa, which have rapidly risen on the North American Continent and the African Continent respectively.

From the last decade of the nineteenth century, when the United States formally surpassed the United Kingdom to become the world’s largest industrial nation, to the beginning of the twentieth century, when East Africa became the new world factory.

The rise of these two Great Powers has given the North American Continent and the African Continent the strength and confidence to confront Europe as equals. Although, if we look at the United States and East Africa individually, both countries still have a significant gap with Europe in population, economy, industry, military, and other aspects.

However, this gap can be offset in other ways, the most important of which is that both the United States and East Africa are unified states.

By contrast, the European Continent’s overall strength is still formidable, but with myriad states standing side by side, their ability to integrate resources is far inferior to that of East Africa and the United States, and they instead fall into internal dissipation. The currently raging World War I in Europe is an important corroboration.

Of course, Russia’s potential is also considerable, especially after the Russian Labor Party took control of the state. As long as it remedies its industrial shortcomings, Russia is clearly the next state capable of standing shoulder to shoulder with the United States, East Africa, and the still‑residual might of the United Kingdom as a world superpower.

Barring accidents, these four countries will be the dominant shapers of the world order for some time to come, until the next reshuffling arrives.

As for France and Germany, judging from the current strength of the two countries, they can only be regarded as secondary political forces in the world. Unless they manage to integrate Europe, it will be very difficult for them to compete with the other four.

This is precisely what France and Germany have long been striving for, but it is obvious that none of the non‑continental states—including the United Kingdom—wishes to see the birth of such a powerful state in Europe.

Of course, compared to Germany, France has one more option, namely the integration of Africa and its homeland. Yet this path is only slightly less difficult than vying for European hegemony; to solve this problem, France’s demographic and fertility issue must first be addressed.

Besides Germany and France, Russia and the United Kingdom could also lay claim to European hegemony. But as an island nation, the United Kingdom is basically destined never to realize this goal.

If Russia were to achieve it, however, that would be extremely terrifying. Russia’s economic scale, territory, population, and so on are already sufficient to sustain its status as a superpower. If it were to control the whole of Europe, then the other countries would basically be left with no choice but to submit beneath Russia.

Obviously, neither the United States nor East Africa can possibly allow such a terrifying regime to emerge on the Eurasian Continent. Thus, restraining Russia’s development will be the common challenge facing the United States, East Africa, and the other states.

Of course, the changes in the future global configuration are still far too distant for today’s United Kingdom. Right now, the most important task of the British government is to delay the sinking of the great ship of the old world order steered by the United Kingdom.

Prime Minister David looked out at the grey and hazy sky beyond the window and said weakly, ”Since entering the new century, the problems confronting the Empire are more severe than ever before. Challengers are lining up, waiting for the moment when the Empire reveals its weakness.”

”Once we show signs of decline, the world hegemony the Empire has maintained for several hundred years will come crashing down.”

As he spoke, he clenched his fist and slammed it hard on the surface of his desk, saying, ”So we have no way out. At this moment we must first pin Germany down in Europe. To achieve this goal, any sacrifice is worth it.”

”Only after we have dealt with Germany can we continue to serve as arbiter of the world order, unite with France, and integrate Europe’s strength, so as to compete with extra‑European powers such as the United States and East Africa, while at the same time strangling the Russian Labor Party, the most evil force in the world.”

The victories and defeats among imperialist states in any case will not threaten the interests of these meat‑eaters. At worst, the losers bow their heads and pay tribute to the winners. However bitter life becomes, down below the screw‑turners, they themselves can still lord it over others.

The Russian Labor Party, on the other hand, is truly coming for their heads. This is why the rulers of imperialist states all regard the world workers’ movement as a mortal menace.

Of course, for the current British government, the Russian Labor Party is a distant worry, while Germany is the immediate danger. After all, the United Kingdom now has no spare strength to interfere in Russia’s internal affairs.

Belfort expressed his agreement with the Prime Minister’s insights: ”First solve the problem of Germany and the Allies, then deal with Russia. No matter how you look at it, the Allies are at present our direct threat.”

”Only after we defeat the Allies can we concentrate Europe’s strength, and then bring in the United States, East Africa, Japan, and other countries to intervene in Russia, restoring order in Russia.”

”Therefore, at this stage our compromising with East Africa is the safest approach. Only by preventing East Africa from joining the Allies can the Empire get through the most dangerous period. Moreover, I don’t think East Africa should remain idle.”

”While we are fighting the Allies, East Africa should also be busy, particularly in regard to the Russian Labor Party regime. East Africa ought to shoulder the responsibilities of a Great Power.”

Belfort’s move should be considered diverting the flood eastward. After all, an East Africa that does not participate in the war is a source of anxiety for the United Kingdom. Only when East Africa is busy elsewhere can everyone breathe a little easier.

On this point Prime Minister David could not help but sigh with emotion: ”You really do have a way. Then in our upcoming negotiations with East Africa we can add this point. The Empire has considerable spheres of influence in the Middle East; we’ll see whether we can sow discord between East Africa and the Russian Labor Party and make them fight first.”

This also counts as a traditional skill of the British government. The Russian Labor Party is the United Kingdom’s enemy; East Africa is the United Kingdom’s potential rival. Stir up conflict between these two countries, and the United Kingdom can sit back and reap the fisherman’s profit.

Of course, provoking a direct clash between East Africa and the Russian Labor Party is obviously no simple matter. Take the spheres of influence currently under the United Kingdom’s control: they do indeed border on Russia, but whether in Persia or Afghanistan, bringing East Africa into these regions would be extremely difficult.

Moreover, Prime Minister David also fears backfiring; if they bring in East Africa without provoking contradictions between East Africa and Russia, and instead first end up threatening British rule over India, that would be far too painful.

After all, in the past, in order to stabilize its rule over India, the United Kingdom frequently set its sights on Afghanistan, Persia, and Central Asia. Now, by contrast, they want to let East Africa gain a foothold in these two places, which would obviously pose certain threats to India’s security.

Therefore, where to let East Africa enter the Middle East and thereby threaten Central Asia—this zone which Russia regards as its forbidden delicacy—must be carefully calibrated. Although at present the United Kingdom does not yet have a deep understanding of the Russian Labor Party regime, the Russians themselves know the Slavs, and the Slavs have never concealed their greed for land.

Prime Minister David simply does not believe that the Russian Labor Party is really as pure as it claims, like a white lotus. As long as there is private desire and human nature, they will inevitably embark on the same expansionist road as the former Tsarist Russia.