The Shadow of Great Britain

646: Chapter 317: Napoleon, France, and the Russian Court_3 646: Chapter 317: Napoleon, France, and the Russian Court_3 I had long been puzzled about why this guy could gain such high support and passion in France, as the French people seemed not to care at all that this warrior of short stature could lead them all to Hell.

However, it was not until after the Hundred Days that I finally understood this issue.

Napoleon understood the character of the French nation well; he knew that the main driving force behind these people was “honor and authority.” His status, power, and political fate were built upon satisfying the vanity inherent to the French.

If he were to back down at this time, he would damage France’s prestige, and his own position would be jeopardized.

Therefore, even though the British government often politely reminded him, and he acknowledged that “His Majesty the King should retain some of the occupied territories as compensation for France’s significant territorial expansion on the continent.”

This promise, however, had to be kept secret and conducted privately.

Publicly, any concession to Britain would be seen as a great shame for France.

If he accepted Britain obtaining Malta as compensation, the next day, he would become an object of ridicule throughout Paris, and his prestige would naturally vanish.

Arthur swirled his glass, raising his own question, “Was it intentional or unintentional?”

“Of course it was intentional,”

Talleyrand spoke, “Napoleon was very proud of his methods.

He once openly boasted about the secrets of his power.”

He said, ‘When I satisfy the general public, it sends shivers down the spines of the nobility.

I superficially offer the nobles power, forcing them to seek refuge and protection around me.

I also let the people threaten the nobility, ensuring they cannot leave me.

I will give them status and honor, but only if they are loyal to me.

My methods have worked in France.

Look at those priests; every day, they become more loyal to my government, something they never anticipated.’”

Listening, Arthur raised his glass to Talleyrand with a light clink, “Such arrogance, if he were a historical figure, would indeed be charming.

But if he were beside me, he would definitely be an intolerable nuisance; I could never be friends with him.”

“Really?” Talleyrand chuckled, “I’ve seen ‘The Thoughts of Napoleon’ serialized in ‘The Economist’; that little Bonaparte family member by your side might not necessarily be stronger than Napoleon.”

“Are you talking about Louis?” Arthur sipped his wine, looking at the ceiling, “Had you not mentioned it, I might not have noticed.

Looking at it this way, he indeed seems to have glimpsed some essence of his uncle, albeit still quite green.

More importantly, he currently lacks the power.”

Talleyrand declared, “If you had been born in France a few decades earlier, you would definitely have been on my side.”

Arthur joked, “Are you sure I wouldn’t have been executed by Fouché?”

“Of course not.” Talleyrand also joked, “Because Fouché is one of us too.

Why do you think I would know about these things Napoleon said?”

Arthur asked, “Was his discontent with Napoleon also because of Sebastiani’s report?”

Talleyrand nodded, “His reaction was even more intense than mine.

I merely told Napoleon that this crisis could have been peacefully resolved if the First Consul had given more authority to his brother Joseph and his Foreign Minister.

But Fouché directly warned Napoleon in The Senate, ‘You, like all of us, are a product of the revolution, and war makes everything uncertain.

People want you to trust other countries’ revolutionary principles, flattering you.

Yet our revolution’s outcome has almost completely annihilated these revolutionary principles!’”

Napoleon’s brother, now residing in the Regency Crescent, Joseph had been even more direct: ‘He has once again dragged Europe into the bloody seas of war!

This war could have been avoided, and if he had not sent his Sebastiani on that unbearable mission, the war would also not have occurred!’”

Hearing this, Arthur leaned forward slightly, “In fact, Napoleon’s war activities not only had a profound impact on France, but they also buried Britain’s Whig Party.

At the time, the Whig Party widely proclaimed how generous and non-threatening Napoleon was, but once the battles in Egypt and the Mediterranean commenced, it was as if the Whig Party’s face had been swollen by a slap extended from Paris.

In the 30 years that followed, they never returned to power until last year, when they finally got back on their feet.

Meanwhile, Paris’s anti-British propaganda had matched the British war propaganda—Britain was out to overturn French republican principles, which branded that generation of British politicians with a strong anti-French sentiment.

This influence persists to this day, represented by Britain’s current Foreign Secretary, Viscount Palmeston.”

“I am well aware of that,”

Talleyrand took a sip of wine, “Many words from that era cannot be taken literally, but what amuses me the most is that Napoleon was still accusing Britain of conspiring to subvert the republican system the year before he declared himself emperor.

Just because of this, not only was the Whig Party’s face swollen, but also all the artists who had cheered for Napoleon had fallen into the ditch.

So you see, the world is like this, don’t take everything too seriously; it’s all based on one’s own needs.”