Tech Giants: Starting from Bankrupt Companies

173: Chapter 173 The Birth of the Five-Nation AllianceAfter the Ambassadors left, the French President stood alone in front of the map. His assistant asked softly, ”Mr. President, if Germany ultimately doesn’t dare...”

”Then we will proceed with Italy, Spain, and the Netherlands first.” The President did not turn around. ”But Germany will come. Because Merkel knows this is Germany’s last chance to become a ’normal country’.”

Outside the window, snowflakes began to drift in the Parisian sky.

A high-stakes gamble that could change the fate of Europe had quietly begun in the basement of this palace.

January 24, Berlin, Chancellery.

It was already 1:00 AM, but the lights in the conference room were still on. The Chancellor of Germany, the Minister of Economy, the Secretary of Defense, the Foreign Minister, and the Interior Minister—the five people who decided Germany’s fate—had been arguing for six hours.

Minister of Economy Hans pounded the table: ”Infineon needs FD-SOI technology! Otherwise, in three years, we will be completely crushed by Chinese companies in the automotive chip market! The next generation of electric vehicles from Volkswagen, BMW, and Mercedes-Benz all need high-performance, low-power chips, and right now, only Spark Technology can provide them!”

The Secretary of Defense, former General Klaus Schneider, retorted sharply: ”But what about the US military’s 7 bases and 20,000 troops in Germany? America has stated clearly that if we participate in this cooperation, they will ’re-evaluate their security commitments’! Russian tanks are right on the border of Poland; we need America’s protection!”

”But America is also using chips to choke us!” the Minister of Economy said angrily. ”Last year, Bosch was sanctioned by America just for using Huawei’s 5G module, losing 1.2 billion euros! Can we afford this kind of ’protection’?”

The Foreign Minister tried to mediate: ”Perhaps we can strive for a compromise. If we add a ’security exception’ clause to the agreement, we can suspend technology transfer if America truly exerts unbearable pressure...”

”And then what?” the Minister of Economy sneered. ”Once the technology has been transferred, can we take it back? Will the Chinese accept such a clause?”

The Chancellor, who had been silent until now, finally spoke.

This politician, known for his caution, had bloodshot eyes at this moment. Spread out before him were two documents: on the left was the ”Economic Benefit Assessment of Cooperation with Spark Technology” provided by the Ministry of Economy, and on the right was the ”Prediction of Potential Countermeasures by America” provided by the Ministry of National Defense.

The left side read: Create 80,000 high-skilled jobs over the next decade, drive the upgrading of traditional industries such as automotive, machinery, and chemicals, and ensure the leading position of Germany’s Industry 4.0.

The right side read: Potential loss of F-35 orders (worth 8.5 billion euros), potential exposure to financial sanctions from America (estimated loss of 20 billion euros), and potential exclusion from the Next Generation Air Dominance (NGAD) cooperation program.

”If we choose America,” the Chancellor said slowly, ”our security will be worry-free in the short term, but in the long term, Germany’s industrial competitiveness will gradually decline. If we choose autonomy, the short-term risks are huge, but we may win a more independent future.”

He looked out the window. The streets of Berlin on this winter night were empty, with only the guards at the entrance of the Chancellery standing in the cold wind.

”Klaus,” the Chancellor asked the Secretary of Defense, ”if America truly revokes its security protection, can the ’nuclear umbrella’ provided by France give us peace of mind?”

General Schneider was silent for a long time: ”Theoretically, yes. France’s nuclear arsenal is sufficient for deterrence. But in actual operations... we have no joint command mechanism, no drills, and everything is unknown.”

”Hans,” the Chancellor turned to the Minister of Economy, ”if we refuse to cooperate now, and other European countries cooperate with China individually, will Germany be isolated?”

Minister Müller nodded: ”Very likely. Italy, Spain, the Netherlands, and even Poland are actively engaging with Spark Technology. If we withdraw, they might snatch away the investment and jobs that should have belonged to Germany.”

The meeting fell into silence again.

The antique wall clock pointed to 2:17 AM.

The Chancellor finally picked up his pen and signed his opinion on the document:

”Germany agrees in principle to participate in the ’Euro-Spark Semiconductor’ cooperation, but a ’security exception’ clause must be added to the agreement: In extreme circumstances (defined as America initiating sanctions under the International Emergency Economic Powers Act and substantially threatening Germany’s security), Germany has the right to unilaterally suspend technology transfer in exchange for America’s security guarantees. This clause must be approved by the European Council and receive written consent from Spark Technology.”

A typical German-style solution: wanting to acquire technology without bearing all the risks; wanting to pursue autonomy without daring to be completely independent.

The Minister of Economy smiled bitterly: ”Will the Chinese agree to such a clause?”

”They will agree,” the Chancellor put down his pen. ”Because they also need Germany. Without Germany, European semiconductor autonomy is just empty talk.”

He paused: ”And this may be the best condition we can fight for for Europe—a middle ground where we can advance or retreat.”

The document was sealed and sent overnight by the Foreign Minister to Paris and Brussels.

When the Chancellor walked out of the conference room, the sky was already slightly bright.

The assistant handed him a cup of hot coffee: ”Chancellor, do you think this decision will be proven correct by history?”

The Chancellor took a sip of coffee, the bitter taste spreading in his mouth: ”History never proves anything; history only records. It records today, that there was a group of people, in the middle of the night, trying to find a third way for an ancient continent.”

January 26, Brussels, Charlemagne Hall at the EU headquarters.

This hall is named after Charlemagne and is the venue for the European Union’s most important ceremonies. The EU’s twelve-star flag hung in the center of the hall, flanked by the flags of member states. Today, only five national flags were specially illuminated: France, Germany, Italy, Spain, and the Netherlands.

At 3:00 PM sharp, the five foreign ministers walked onto the podium.

There was no long opening speech. The French Foreign Minister, an elegant lady, read directly from the ”Joint Statement on European Semiconductor Autonomy”:

”We, the representatives of the French Republic, the Federal Republic of Germany, the Italian Republic, the Kingdom of Spain, and the Kingdom of the Netherlands, based on our belief in a common European future and our pursuit of technological sovereignty and strategic autonomy, hereby announce today:

First, we agree to establish the ’Euro-Spark Semiconductor’ joint venture with Spark Technology to carry out advanced semiconductor technology cooperation under the premise of respecting intellectual property rights and international rules.

Second, we will jointly establish a 10 billion euro ’Strategic Industrial Mutual Assistance Fund’ to protect participating enterprises from unfair external pressure.

Third, we commit to promoting the establishment of a ’European Cloud’ and ’European Data Space’ within the EU framework to reduce technological dependence on a single country.

Fourth, we will strengthen cooperation in the field of security and defense, including but not limited to joint exercises, intelligence sharing, and... mutual security guarantees in extreme circumstances.”

When the last sentence was read out, the reporters in the hall gasped. Although ’nuclear umbrella’ was not explicitly mentioned, the expression ’mutual security guarantees’ carries special weight in the European context.

The signing ceremony began.

The five foreign ministers signed the parchment agreement one by one. The sound of pens gliding across the paper was transmitted to every corner of the hall through the microphones.

After the signing, the French Foreign Minister walked to the podium, facing the cameras of global media:

”Today is not an anti-American day, not a day of confrontation. Today is the day of Europe’s coming-of-age ceremony.”

Her voice was calm and firm:

”We thank America for its protection of Europe over the past seventy years. But protection is not permanent guardianship, and allies are not eternal vassals. A mature Europe must have the ability to protect its own interests and must have the ability to master its own destiny.”

”Semiconductors are just the beginning. In the future, we will seek Europe’s autonomous path in all key areas, including artificial intelligence, quantum computing, and clean energy.”

”This is not isolation; this is responsibility—responsibility to our people, responsibility to our future, and responsibility to Europe’s historical duty as a civilizational entity.”

Applause broke out. At first, it was polite, then it became increasingly enthusiastic.

Offstage, America’s Ambassador Albright left with a livid expression. He had not expected that the Europeans would really dare to go this far.

On stage, the five foreign ministers shook hands for a photo. This moment was permanently captured by historical lenses.

Meanwhile, in Shenzhen, Su Chen watched the entire live broadcast through an encrypted line.

When he heard the term ’Europe’s coming-of-age ceremony,’ he smiled slightly.

Li Jianfeng asked from the side: ”Boss, do you think they will see it through to the end?”

”I don’t know,” Su Chen said honestly. ”But at least, they have taken the first step. And the first step is always the hardest.”

He turned off the screen and looked out the window. It was evening in Shenzhen, and the city lights were twinkling.

”Now, it’s our turn to fulfill our promise,” Su Chen said. ”Tell the Huizhou factory that there can be no delays in mass production in March. Tell Professor Dupont to change the lithography machine countdown to 45 days—we need to produce tangible results before the EU Parliament approves the agreement.”

”Understood.”