The Shadow of Great Britain

Although Arthur had not had the chance to verify the authenticity of this statement, judging solely by the tone and style of speech, these words indeed seemed like something that would come from the mouth of the Duke of Cumberland.

Fiona continued, ”At that moment, the Duke of Wellington spoke up. He said, ’Your Highness, I think the best choice you can make is to leave this place as soon as possible. Leave immediately, and be sure to avoid the anger of the people.’”

Hearing this, Arthur suddenly recalled those seemingly redundant admonitions from the Duke of Wellington before Victoria’s succession.

Why would Greenwich and Southwark, regions that seemed insignificant in the succession process, be repeatedly emphasized by him...

Why did the Duke of Wellington repeatedly inquire about Arthur’s views on Victoria’s succession to the throne...

Looking back now, it was likely because the Duke of Wellington was worried that the Orange Party supporters of the Duke of Cumberland might attack the armories in these areas, and through the equipment in the armories, quickly arm themselves and launch a coup.

The reason the Old Duke meticulously confirmed Arthur’s attitude towards the new monarch was probably also to ensure that Arthur, a key figure in controlling London’s policing, had not been swayed by the Orange Party.

Although things had been over for more than half a year, now in hindsight, the reason King William IV, the Duke of Wellington, and the Melbourne Cabinet entrusted London’s policing to him so confidently was probably because his stance on the succession issue was firm enough, given his past as a tutor at Kensington Palace.

After all, besides being close to Victoria, Arthur was also one of the drafters of the ”1833 Constitution of the Kingdom of Hanover,” which the Duke of Cumberland viewed as a thorn in his side, and he was a former Catholic whom the Duke deeply despised.

It was precisely these factors coming together that made him the ”widely supported” Secretary-General of the Police Commissioner Committee.

But thinking back, Arthur slightly pondered and knew that if that were not the case, how could his mess in the Caucasus have been wiped clean so quickly? Not to mention, in the eyes of the Melbourne Cabinet, he was the heir of the Radical Whig Party, a destabilizing figure that needed to be severely suppressed.

This thought was like a needle, suddenly piercing into Arthur’s consciousness—not violently, but accurately enough.

So that’s how it was...

Arthur had previously only thought he was important at that time, but he hadn’t realized just how important he was.

In the window period before and after Victoria’s succession, as long as he was in office, the Orange Party could not dream of cooperation from the police system. As long as he was in power, any attempt to create an alternative legitimate authority on the streets of London would be nipped in the bud.

The urgent establishment of the Police Commissioner Committee suddenly revealed a disconcertingly clear outline at this moment.

Was it really for reforming the national police, or was it intended to place the pulse of London’s imperial heart in the hands of someone whose position had already been thoroughly vetted at a critical moment?

However, now the answer was no longer important.

What mattered was—that moment had passed.

Upon realizing this, Arthur suddenly felt a chill in his heart.

Victoria still needed him.

But for both parties, the need for Arthur Hastings was no longer the only option.

If not for the overly subtle results of the 1837 election, where the Whig and Conservative Parties nearly tied, with neither side in Parliament daring to rashly create new variables, no one would want to create another new trouble.

Otherwise...

Had these people already started targeting him?

No one knew the answer to this question, and the answer was equally unimportant.

Because as long as such a thought occurred in Arthur’s mind, he could no longer continue to stay put obediently.

The joy brought by his appointment as Deputy Secretary at the Home Office vanished in an instant.

Arthur neither got up nor touched the wine on the table again.

His right hand naturally hung by his knee, with the fingertips involuntarily tightening and then loosening, as if calculating some invisible accounts in his mind.

The next election.

He reflexively pushed the timeline forward.

The results of last year’s election were still fresh in his memory, with the Whig Party barely holding on with dignity and the Conservative Party pressing step by step, both sides so closely matched in Parliament that no one dared to act rashly. It was a stalemate, and for Arthur, it was more of a stroke of luck.

But this luck probably wouldn’t last long.

Arthur understood clearly that the outcome of the next election would definitely not be so coincidental again.

Public opinion was changing, financial pressure was accumulating, and the enthusiasm for reform was waning.

The current achievements the Whig Party could showcase were few, while their opponents were more patient than last time.

If the election developed as Arthur had predicted, the next election was doomed to be disastrous for the Whig Party, and the Conservative Party was set to gain a relatively stable advantage.

Once this situation arises, all issues currently tolerated, shelved, or left unexamined will be brought up again.

Although the ”Seven Years Act” stipulates that a Parliament can last a maximum of seven years, given the current situation, anyone can see that the Whig Party could absolutely not last for seven years.

If we take Arthur’s entry into politics as a starting point, starting from 1830, Britain has held five elections within eight years due to votes of no confidence, the succession of a new monarch, the King dissolving Parliament, and other reasons.