The Shadow of Great Britain

Speaking up to this point, Leopold paused: ”However, in Britain, I still advise you to maintain the leadership position of the National Church as much as possible. As long as you don’t promise them anything specific, it’s never too much to praise the National Church on religious topics.”

Victoria seemed somewhat resistant to her uncle’s suggestion: ”Praising the National Church? That sounds a bit like the stance of the Tories.”

”Praising the National Church is the stance of the Tories, but not committing to anything specific is the stance of the Whigs.”

Leopold continued to guide his niece: ”Delina, you need to understand that for the Whig Party, any royal family member other than you and the Duke of Sussex becoming the ruler of this country would deal a devastating blow to them. And as for your royal uncle, the Duke of Cumberland, what he did in Hanover this month is enough to scare the Whigs out of their wits and make them fervently support your rule. If you recall, I told you before that your duty is to keep all sides as satisfied as possible for as long as possible. Precisely for this reason, you should strive to win the support of the moderate conservatives on many issues now, and the National Church is a great entry point. I know you loathe religious persecution, and that’s not wrong. But remember not to miss any opportunity to demonstrate your support for the National Church. As long as it doesn’t harm others’ expectations or prospects, you should persist in doing so.”

Victoria pondered her uncle’s advice and finally noted it down in her notebook: ”Besides this, do you have any other suggestions?”

”That’s all I can think of for now,” Leopold said with a smile: ”But before you decide on any important matters, if you’re undecided, I would be very happy for you to seek my opinion. There’s also an advantage to doing so, which is buying you time. In political affairs, most measures will often have room to maneuver within a short period. And once you decide, it becomes very difficult to retract or terminate a measure, almost always damaging your authority.”

Victoria asked: ”Is that what you did when you were in Belgium?”

”Of course,” Leopold nodded: ”Whenever there were important matters, unless it’s an emergency like an invasion by the Dutch, I wouldn’t make a hasty decision on the day of the report. I set a rule for myself: never force myself to make an immediate stand. History has proven that hasty decisions are often unwise. Even if I’m inclined to approve, I always let it simmer a bit before sanctioning. And for a new monarch like you, the best way to handle it is to have each minister come to an audience with a box of documents and explain them in person according to the paperwork. Thereafter, you can retain these files for personal consideration or consultation with others, and at the next meeting with the ministers, return them in person or send them back.”

Victoria bowed her head and solemnly noted her uncle’s last words in her notebook.

A moment later, she gently closed her little notebook: ”I truly thank you for your teachings; no one else understands the situation I face as you do. I really wish those in Parliament could trust that I am learning, not being controlled, as you do.”

Leopold raised his eyebrows slightly. Just like Sir Arthur, this King of Belgium was also a faithful reader of British newspapers. How could he not know about the attacks aimed at him that filled the pages of the Fleet Street newspapers after Victoria’s ascension?

Mainstream papers like The Times and the Chronicle Morning Paper were somewhat restrained, only hinting with suggestive headlines such as ”Our Young Queen and Her Advisor from the European Continent” or ”Is There a Foreign Power in Buckingham Palace?”

Whereas the tabloids vying for sensationalism weren’t bothered to hide at all.

Things like ”Drafted in Brussels, Signed by Victoria,” ”Uncle’s Limited Company, Specializing in Importing Belgian Influence,” ”Is Britain to Be Governed by Brussels?” were rampant.

In short, the things these journalists said were more unpleasant than one another.

If not fearful of being maliciously interpreted by British newspapers, Leopold might have visited England long ago, instead of slowly making his way after receiving his niece’s formal invitation.

Of course, after the England Electromagnetic Telegraph Company secured the contract for the Belgian telegraph construction, at least all magazines under Imperial Publishing stopped their attacks on Belgium. In fact, The Economist dedicated several pages recently to praising the Belgian government’s foresighted investment in the telegraph industry,

But The Economist certainly couldn’t represent all of Fleet Street, and even with other newspapers and magazines under Imperial Publishing, they still couldn’t fully control Fleet Street’s media direction.

In a place like Fleet Street teeming with both fish and dragons, Imperial Publishing having some backing doesn’t mean other newspapers don’t have any.

Take Blackwood’s, for instance, the archenemy of the British, which is backed by the staunch conservatives in the Conservative Party.

While the Chronicle Morning Paper, the competitor of The Times, has long played the role of the mouthpiece for Palmerston.

The Westminster Review is a stronghold of the Radical Liberal Party, whereas the Quarterly Review and the Edinburgh Review are the official publications of the Conservative Party and the Whig Party, respectively.

On the political issue of hostility towards Leopold, even if Imperial Publishing aimed for it with all their might, it indeed found it difficult to arm-wrestle with all these factions simultaneously.