The Shadow of Great Britain

According to the 1801 Anglo-Irish Union Act, the Irish nobility needs to select 28 representatives to enter the House of Lords. Although these representatives have lifetime terms, the seats are not hereditary. Whenever an Irish representative passes away, the Irish nobility vote to elect a successor.

Of course, the Irish nobility need not complain about being treated differently, because the Scottish nobility has even fewer seats in the House of Lords than Ireland.

According to the 1707 Anglo-Scottish Union Act, every time a new parliament is convened, the Scottish nobility needs to elect 16 representatives to enter the House of Lords. Moreover, the terms of the Scottish noble representatives are not lifetime, requiring re-election in each general election.

However, at present, Viscount Palmerston is neither an Irish noble representative in the House of Lords nor does he hold his district seat at Cambridge University due to losing the lower house election, creating a severe issue—he is not qualified to sit in the House of Commons, has no right to speak in the House of Lords, and lacks legitimate entitlement to serve as a minister.

Within the framework of Britain’s parliamentary political system, this means that although Viscount Palmerston remains the Foreign Secretary of Melbourne’s Cabinet in name, he actually cannot speak, debate, or push any bills in the House of Commons, not even respond to regular diplomatic matters there.

In short, he has become a mute minister.

”I reckon he’ll have to find a safe constituency for a by-election sooner or later,” Lord Stanley squinted, leisurely lighting a cigar, ”If Melbourne is reluctant to let him go, they’ll have to find a tame pocket borough for him, even a village in Cornwall would do.”

”Do you think he doesn’t want to?” Lord Lyndhurst crossed his legs, showing a gloating expression, ”I heard he originally wanted to go to Southampton, but the Whig MP there preemptively told the voters he absolutely would not accept being replaced. Can you imagine, a dignified Foreign Secretary, a nobleman, having to grovel to some local attorney? Is that reasonable?”

The crowd burst into laughter at these words.

However, Peel wasn’t as optimistic as Lord Lyndhurst. He spoke, ”Gentlemen, don’t be too quick to gloat. I gathered you all here today to discuss this matter. If nothing unexpected happens, Palmerston is likely to stand for a by-election in Hampshire, where the Palmerston family traditionally holds influence. Almost every parliamentary recess, he entertains local gentlemen in the family manor. Moreover, I’ve received reliable news that the Whig Party has persuaded the Lower House Member George Prefoy-Jervais of Hampshire to resign his seat. According to the timeline, the by-election should be held in Hampshire by the end of August.”

Lord Lyndhurst wasn’t surprised by this arrangement, ”They moved quite quickly; what did the Whig Party offer Jervais to make him resign so readily?”

Peel, pacing with hands behind his back, shook his head, ”The specifics of the benefits aren’t clear yet, but it’s nothing more than the usual, like two thousand pounds plus the sponsorship for some local position. Or perhaps it’s merely paying back a favor. After all, Jervais was elected unopposed as Hampshire’s MP in 1820. That seat was originally held in trust by Palmerston for him, so returning it is only natural.”

Peel paused his steps at this point, ”So, gentlemen, does anyone have a suitable candidate in mind? I’m not talking about some kid who can only recite a speech but someone who can really stir things up in the Hampshire by-election. Although I don’t think anyone can defeat Palmerston in Hampshire, if we somehow manage, Melbourne would have to consider replacing the Foreign Secretary.”

The room immediately fell silent.

The Earl of Aberdeen stroked his chin, his eyes unfocused, seemingly having a few candidates in mind yet not certain enough to mention them easily.

Lord Stanley, frowning, his mouth half-open, appeared to be searching an address book in his mind. If you were to ask who in this room most wanted to see Palmerston and Melbourne embarrassed, it would definitely be him, this old Whig Party figure who completely broke off with the Whig\x Party.

Lord Lyndhurst thought deeply and regretfully shook his head, ”Too late, Peel. If we had known earlier that Palmerston would lose the Cambridge seat, we wouldn’t have been in such a hurry to send Disraeli out. For the role of troublemaker, no one could be more suitable than that young man.”

Peel didn’t buy his excuse.

Everyone knew Disraeli was Lyndhurst’s closest confidant, that Jewish lad even once served as his private secretary, and rumor has it they both had murky ties with Mrs. Sikes; it was through that woman they got connected.

For such a confidant, how could Lyndhurst be willing to send him to a constituency with little hope, just to spite Palmerston a bit?

Even as one who prides himself on being among the most selfless British politicians, Peel knew if he had a similar confidant, say Arthur finally saw the light and joined the Conservative Party, he wouldn’t bear to send him to such a dead-end district.

Because that would not only cause a rift between them but also waste several years of practical experience.