The Shadow of Great Britain

155: Chapter 112 Mr.

Hastings Offers a Comprehensive Analysis of Pros and Cons 155: Chapter 112 Mr.

Hastings Offers a Comprehensive Analysis of Pros and Cons In the Prime Minister’s Office, Arthur looked up at the portrait hanging above the Duke of Wellington’s head.

The man in the portrait bore a striking resemblance to the old Duke, but the differences lay in the depicted man’s attire—a black high-collared, deep red military uniform—and his youthful appearance, minus a few years and wearing a stubble.

The Duke of Wellington noticed Arthur’s gaze and joked, “Do you have an appreciation for art as well, young man?

This is a work by Sir Thomas Lawrence.

You must have heard of him, the President of the Royal Academy of Arts.

If you’re thinking of having your portrait done by him, I’m afraid you’re out of luck, as Sir Lawrence unfortunately passed away this January, making his works even more priceless.”

Arthur, removing his hat and placing it over his heart with his right hand, spoke apologetically, “I only have a superficial understanding of art, but I had indeed planned to recruit a few apprentices from the Royal Academy of Arts to assist with police work.

However, we can discuss that later.

Right now, the most urgent matter is that I must report to you directly about the protest that took place in Hyde Park this morning.”

“Another protest?

Heh, they only show such enthusiasm when it’s time to march.

I didn’t see them this eager to enlist during the Napoleonic Wars.

These people never give one peace of mind!”

The Duke, exasperated, rubbed his face, “Alright then, who is it this time?

Fox’s followers?

Hesketh’s?

Canning’s?

Or perhaps a new little group drawn together by Earl Grey?”

Sir Peel, standing beside them, couldn’t help but tease, “Your Grace, all these factions you mentioned are seated in Parliament; they wouldn’t be the ones marching on the streets.”

The Duke, resting his cheek on one hand as he leaned on the table, complained, “Ah!

Yes!

They’re all sitting in Parliament.

With just a wag of their tongues, they send us soldiers to the frontlines.

Fight well, and they praise you a bit, fight poorly, and they send you to a military court.

With their double-tongued talk, they’re always right no matter what they say.”

Sir Peel, upon hearing this, reminded Arthur, “Arthur, everyone has their grievances and troubles.

Just listen, but don’t tell the news media.”

Arthur, hearing this and feeling somewhat embarrassed, pursed his lips, but this small gesture did not escape the astute and cautious Duke of Wellington.

The Duke frowned, “Wait, has the newspaper been saying bad things about me again?”

Before Arthur could speak, the Duke stood up and walked directly to the office’s bookshelf, casually pulling out a newspaper.

Sir Peel, observing his reaction, smiled at Arthur, “Never mind, you might as well report directly to me.

The ones willing to march on the streets can only be those people—the workers from the Luddite movement, the digging farmers, or the priests from the National Church hopping mad about the Emancipation Act.”

Arthur shook his head gently, “Sir Peel, I regret to report to you that it’s not them this time.

They are a group of Robert Owen’s supporters.

Mr.

Owen had a speech in Hyde Park today, and the sentiments of the audience were clearly agitated.

So, before the speech even concluded, they had already turned against the Duke of Wellington and started marching spontaneously.”

“Robert Owen?”

Upon hearing this name, Sir Peel couldn’t help but frown slightly.

Even to him, as a leading liberal within the Tory Party, Robert Owen’s ideas were still considered too unorthodox.

Coincidently, the Whig Party shared a similar perspective.

Sir Peel pondered, “I know the Whig Party has been trying to ascend to power by uniting various trade unions, but Owen…

are they sure?”

Arthur, having roughly gauged Sir Peel’s stance, replied, “So far, there is no indication that the marching workers in Hyde Park are connected to the Whig Party.

I’d rather believe that this might be a coincidental event.

After all, as you are aware, the atmosphere in London currently feels rather tense due to the matter of Parliamentary reform.”

“Have the associations to which the marching groups belong been confirmed yet?”

Arthur immediately pulled out a document from his bag and handed it over, which Sir Peel scanned briefly before standing up and saying, “I see.

It’s these ones.

Alright, understood.

The Home Office has a few informants over there; I’ll have someone fetch the reports they’ve submitted in this period right away.”

Upon hearing this, Arthur also stood up, “Sir, may I inquire about one matter regarding the Home Office informants?”

Sir Peel paused for a moment but quickly understood the context, and with a smile, he replied, “I almost forgot, your temporary institution has also been working on this recently, right?

Don’t worry, Arthur, having other informants in the Home Office doesn’t mean I doubt your capabilities.

The Home Office informants have existed long before you took charge of LPS.”

“LPS?” It took a moment for Arthur to realize that Sir Peel was referring to the London Police Office.

He smiled back, “Actually, I had intended to submit the first work report of LPS early on, including parts of my reflections and reform suggestions on police intelligence work.

But given the urgency, perhaps I should just share them with you directly here, if you think that’s suitable?”

Seeing his calm composure, Sir Peel naturally lowered his expectations regarding the seriousness of the protest activities.

He put down the document he was holding and nodded, “Arthur, you always surprise me.

I thought you wouldn’t accomplish much in such a short time.”

Arthur shook his head with a smile, “This can hardly be considered an accomplishment, at most it’s some experience.

As everyone knows, France was the first country in the world to introduce the concept of police.

Therefore, I’ve been closely examining the intelligence operation records of the French police that we can gather up to now, in addition to the policing materials accumulated at Scotland Yard.

In the end, I’ve uncovered a few issues.”

“Oh?” Sir Peel asked with considerable interest, “What problem?”

“First, don’t place too much trust in informers hired on a temporary basis, as they are far less reliable than real undercover agents.

They have to submit reports daily to exchange for payment and recognition, and if they have nothing to report, they will fabricate; if they do find something, they will exaggerate it to prove their own importance.”

Second, dangers fabricated by the government work in its favor, nurturing a conspiracy that poses no significant threat can actually grant the government more power and authority.”

Sir Peel, upon hearing this rather novel conclusion, couldn’t help but ask, “And from what incident did you derive this information?”

Arthur began, “After the Napoleonic Wars, Louis XVIII successfully restored his rule in France, and he made very effective use of what I’ve just described.

At that time, the humiliated French Army wanted revenge, Bonapartists hoped to welcome back Napoleon, republicans from 1789 sought to limit royal power, Jacobins lingered over extreme measures, ordinary citizens ravaged by war dreamed of restoring the Republic of 1792, and those exiles returning home, stripped of their lands and wealth, were attempting to restore the old regime.

Under such circumstances, the Paris police office under Louis XVIII invented conspiracies and orchestrated unrest, leading to public opinion division.

Extreme royalists saw it as evidence of lax policing, believing the government was encouraging revolutionary activities and seeking to overthrow the monarchy.

On the other hand, liberals accused extreme royalists of using provocateurs to create crises, thereby legitimizing their autocratic rule.”

As for Louis XVIII himself, he managed to die peacefully, caught between the mutual restraints of both factions.

However, his successor Charles X clearly failed to grasp the essence of this balance.

That man failed to make use of the intelligence advantage of the Paris police office.

Perhaps the most significant achievement of the Paris police office under his control was helping him to catch his wife’s lover following the trail of an informant while attempting to capture a group of rebels.”

Sir Peel almost couldn’t resist laughing out loud upon hearing this; he raised his hand to cover his mouth and apologized, “Sorry, Arthur, please continue.”

Arthur, seeing the smile on his face, understood that today’s matter was settled.

Having dealt with Sir Peel, with the Duke of Wellington acting as a stabilizer on his side, all that remained was for him to make a sound argument and to figure out how to get those fiery workers back home.

He continued with a smile, “What I’ve just mentioned pertains to France, but the situation in Britain is different.

We possess a fine parliamentary tradition, and the populace is willing to pursue rights within the existing framework.

Hence, I believe General John Byng’s assessment of similar incidents that occurred in England in the last century is particularly apt: The majority of radical factions in Britain see revolution as a type of mass movement that may lead to minor-scale bloodshed, but the main goal is to compel the government to concede, not to overthrow the political system.

We already have the world’s most distinguished political system, and the public does not have a strong desire to overthrow it.

Just like the recent turmoil in Hyde Park, although the workers shouted ‘Down with Wellington, overturn the Tory Party,’ fundamentally, what they wanted was nothing more than the right to vote.

I have always believed that a significant part of the responsibility for the large-scale worker uprisings and bloody suppressions that took place between 1812 and 1821 must be attributed to Henry Addington, Viscount Sidmouth, the then Home Secretary, and the immature system of Home Office informants.

I don’t know whether Viscount Addington was guided by misinformation or subjective motives, but he exaggerated many normal protests into brutal riots with seditious intent, presenting them as terrifying acts of treason that could undermine the government’s foundation.

This led to a series of bloody incidents and caused the public to feel distrust and alienation towards the Tory Cabinet.

For example, the Taylor uprising of 1816 is a typical case.

Initially, the miners in the Taylor area of Manchester City merely presented their protests peacefully, demanding higher wages and better working conditions.

But the Manchester authorities failed to deal with this unexpected situation promptly; they neither coordinated negotiations between mine owners and workers nor soothed the workers’ sentiments.

Instead, they waited until the situation escalated, with workers starting to burn factories and smash machinery, before hurriedly reporting to the Home Office and the Cabinet requesting military intervention to suppress the action.

As for the Peterloo incident of 1819, it was another clear demonstration of Manchester City government’s incompetence and inefficiency, which led directly to the Cato Street conspiracy of 1820.

Had it not been discovered in time, members of the Cabinet might have all perished at the hands of the Spencean Philanthropists.”

Therefore, I believe the main mission of the LPS should be set as ‘discover early, manage early,’ to cultivate professional undercover operatives, and the early system of hired informants must be reformed and gradually abolished.

Ultimately, our goal is to establish a one-way information channel between the elements of social instability and the Home Office.

Of course, whether the trade unions will be willing to maintain such a ‘communication channel’ is another matter.”

As Arthur was speaking, he suddenly felt as if someone was intently watching him from behind.

He felt a weight press down on his shoulder and turned to look; it was the Duke of Wellington with raised eyebrows.

Wellington asked with a smile, “Young man, have you truly not considered standing for election as a Member of Parliament to serve the Tory Party?

Perhaps I could consider setting aside a spare seat for you in my domain.”

Upon hearing this, Arthur was taken aback at first but soon responded with a smile, “Your Grace, I lack the talent for such matters.

Besides, I am still a policeman.

According to the internal regulations of Scotland Yard, I do not presuppose any political stance for myself.

Just as you and Sir Peel expect, like the other officers of Scotland Yard, I am only an insignificant public servant.”