The Shadow of Great Britain

Albert was quite surprised after hearing this, but since this was Britain, he quickly accepted it: ”Then... if some articles are too extreme, do you still not intervene?”

”Not completely uninvolved, but the intervention process is not as direct as in Germany.” Arthur shook his head: ”If an article is too outrageous, the government will not shut down the printing house or the newspaper, but will go to court to sue for libel or slander. Of course, for a libel charge to be established, it must first be recognized by the jury, as stipulated by the 1792 Fox Libel Act.”

”What if the jury doesn’t recognize it?”

”Not recognize it?” Arthur smiled: ”That would mean the government lost. It’s not that such things haven’t happened, or rather, they happen quite frequently.”

Albert was apparently intrigued by Arthur’s words, and asked with great interest: ”Then in this way, doesn’t the government completely give up control over the newspapers? Letting them write whatever they want?”

”You can’t say that, Your Highness.” Arthur smiled and waved lightly: ”Even though I am in the publishing industry myself, I cannot guarantee that I am completely unaffected by the government. Because for Britain’s news industry, although the government cannot order us what to write, it can decide whether many of us can survive in the brutal publishing competition.”

Albert pondered for a moment and quickly associated it with some practices of the German States: ”Are you referring to... financial control?”

”Exactly.” Arthur pointed to the bundles of paper piled on the window sills outside the street: ”London’s newspapers, unlike those in Germany, are mostly government-run. Although this gives them freedom, it also means that the income of most newspapers is very unstable, and most of the time they barely get by. Therefore, many newspapers accept government subsidies, sometimes called subsidies, sometimes called advertising support. Of course, if they want to maintain dignity, the government can also not give money directly but provide early news releases from the government office, the so-called first-hand news sources.”

Arthur paused meaningfully here, and added: ”So, as you understand, whether they receive money or not, as long as they can profit from the government, it’s difficult for these newspapers to criticize their source of income in editorials. The so-called freedom of the press has never been absolute. The government pays for peace, and the newspapers take money and sell their bottom line. Both sides are aware of this, but no one will break the unspoken understanding. Only a madman would believe that public opinion can be completely tamed, and only a fool would believe that public opinion can be completely free.”

Albert couldn’t help but laugh at this, and even his attitude towards Arthur in conversation became more amiable: ”Is there no exception? Is there no newspaper that dares to completely refuse such purchase?”

Arthur pinched his chin and thought for a moment, then his expression suddenly became serious, as if he were discussing a worthy opponent: ”There are indeed such exceptions, and they are located right on this street.”

”Are you referring to?”

”The Times, the most powerful newspaper in Britain, never bows to the government.” Sir Arthur Hastings, a seasoned member of The Times, said unflinchingly: ”Their daily circulation reaches 30,000 copies, making them the largest news machine in Britain. Sufficient revenue gives them the confidence to resist government interference. I think they might be the only newspaper in Britain that publicly claims to refuse any government subsidies and also refuses early news releases from government offices.”

Albert exclaimed in surprise: ”Did they really say this publicly?”

”Not only did they say it, but they also published it on the front page.” Arthur smiled slightly, with a tinge of admiration: ”I recall it was published in some issue in 1834, stating that sitting in the newspaper office every day waiting for the government’s favor is an insult to The Times. They would rather rely on their own informants, editors, and overseas reporters rather than depend on the government’s mouthpiece. They claim they represent the conscience of England, which is not without exaggeration, but at least in terms of press freedom, The Times indeed represents the pride of England.”

Arthur’s words were partly true. The truth was that The Times did indeed publish statements on their front page opposing government funds.

But what he didn’t mention was that the reason The Times had this confidence, apart from their abundant revenue, was partly because The Times was the most networked periodical among European newspapers, and was among the first in Britain to establish domestic and overseas departments, with overseas stations even reaching India.

For this reason, The Times dared to boldly proclaim that they don’t need any early news releases from the government.

Because they are confident their information often comes earlier than that of the Foreign Office, and with better accuracy.

Besides this, to ensure each issue of their paper can come out as early as possible, The Times almost operates on a 24-hour schedule, with the editorial and printing departments running day and night.

Most morning papers usually rush out the first edition before dawn, and even a major paper like The Morning Post can only guarantee printing by three in the morning.

And The Times?