The Shadow of Great Britain

In fact, when Arthur visited Paris four years ago, he already foresaw the downfall of Jusco.

As is well-known, in June of 1832, large-scale unrest erupted in both London and Paris, influenced by the cholera outbreak and the wave of liberalism.

However, compared to the Tower of London incident, the June uprising in Paris was even more grandiose. If it hadn’t been handled promptly, King Louis Philippe of France, who immediately returned to Paris to stabilize the army, the rule of the July Monarchy might have ended then and there.

But, although the governments of both countries quickly quelled the situation, the French approach to the June uprising seemed far more thorough than the British cold handling.

After the June uprising ended, the Minister of the Great Paris Police Hall, Jusco, immediately issued an order requiring all doctors, pharmacists, and other medical personnel in Paris to report the names, addresses, and identities of the injured they treated to the local police station within 24 hours.

As for why he did this?

Considering the usual practices of the Paris Police, everyone couldn’t think of anything other than post-event reckoning as a possibility.

As soon as this measure was issued, it immediately sparked widespread social condemnation, and related professionals unanimously refused to carry out the order.

Under pressure, Jusco had no choice but to abandon the enforcement of this directive.

However, in the following year, 1833, when Arthur arrived in Paris, Jusco once again drew public attention, not only because of the assassination attempt on Louis Philippe but also because he issued a decree following the incident, prohibiting news vendors from selling unlicensed newspapers, publications, and prints on the street.

Although this decree was overturned by the judiciary after a preliminary hearing and appeal process, under Jusco’s leadership, they quickly pushed through new laws requiring street news vendors to obtain administrative licenses to operate.

Jusco’s series of actions naturally did not endear him to the Republicans and the Bonaparte Party.

However, this did not mean that Jusco enjoyed better reputation among the Orleans Party.

Because at the establishment of the July Monarchy in 1830, Jusco had been commissioned by the government to procure 300,000 rifles, but eventually, through commercial negotiations, Jusco successfully purchased 566,000 pieces of British-made arms from Britain.

At first glance, Jusco seemed to have accomplished the task well, but a year later, The Tribune suddenly publicly questioned whether Prime Minister Perier and the Commander-in-Chief of the Army, Marshal Soult, had taken million francs kickbacks in arms and woolen trade.

Days later, the Revolutionary Newspaper raised similar doubts.

Jusco’s response to this was: ”Both newspapers were shut down, and the people responsible were sent to major criminal courts.”

However, an investigation organized by the Parliament later confirmed that Jusco had personally handled the matter during the procurement process, purchasing defective British rifles at high prices, and some of the weapons that were rejected by then War Minister Marshal Geraud were inexplicably accepted in full by his successor, Marshal Sult, a few months later.

Even though the investigation results confirmed the legitimacy of the doubts raised by The Tribune and the Revolutionary Newspaper, under Jusco’s direction, the court still sentenced The Tribune’s chief editor Armand Malaste to six months’ imprisonment, imposed a fine of 3,000 francs, and awarded a 25 franc compensation for slander to Jusco.

Although the incident did not shake Jusco’s position as the Minister of the Great Paris Police Hall, the social impact was so atrocious that even the moderate left-wing faction within the Orleans Party, led by Education Minister Gizo, consciously maintained a distance from him afterward.

The Paris press was desperate to destroy Jusco’s reputation, so much so that they constantly scrutinized his every move under a magnifying glass.

To some extent, Victor’s forced resignation from the Security Department back then was also indirectly related to Jusco.

The reporters treated small fries like Victor so harshly, so when they found out that Jusco had stumbled badly on the Belgique Street incident, wouldn’t they spread the word widely?

In fact, if one thinks about it pessimistically, those fake reports might have been provided to Jusco by them, who knows?

All the negative rhetoric surrounding the Paris Police system erupted because of this incident, and neither the Republicans, the Bonaparte Party nor the Orleans Party was willing to stand up and support Jusco.

At this time, the new Prime Minister Thiers had just taken office. The young, short-statured Prime Minister had no intention of sacrificing his political future for Jusco, to whom he was not related, so he promptly removed Jusco from his powerful position as the Minister of the Great Paris Police Hall, granting him instead the title of special state advisor.

By removing Jusco, Thiers made clear the governing principles of the new Cabinet, as he stated in his speech to the National Assembly: ”Our country is in the midst of an unprecedented crisis; we must do everything in our power to curb the chaotic situation. To save the revolution, we must prevent it from becoming extreme. Whether these excesses stem from street riots or system abuses, I will respond with firm measures.”

In this way, coincidentally, Jusco became the sacrificial chicken for Thiers to warn others, helping him gain widespread acclaim, winning the support of the Paris press, and achieving a 251 to 99 vote endorsement in the Parliament.