The Shadow of Great Britain

Compared to previous years, since Viscount Melbourne became Prime Minister, Arthur has indeed heard more rumours about Viscount Melbourne.

In fact, if you put aside Viscount Melbourne’s feud with Scotland Yard, his life experiences have indeed been rather tumultuous.

His wife, Caroline Ponsonby, had an entangled and unresolved affair with Lord Byron, which tarnished Viscount Melbourne’s reputation in high society, while his only child, Augustus Lamb, suffers from severe mental and intellectual disabilities. From a young age, Augustus has had delayed speech development, has difficulty communicating with others, cannot receive normal education, is emotionally unstable, and even exhibits aggressive behavior. Even though he is already 28 years old, he still requires special care.

Because of this child, Viscount Melbourne has long been emotionally burdened in life. He has never been willing to publicly mention his son Augustus, nor does he allow this child to appear in public.

Many people attribute his ”overly gentle” and ”emotionally indulged” political style to his failed marriage and the pain of ”losing a child.” After all, long-term care of a mentally ill son truly can lead to feelings of helplessness and shame, especially because he is a member of the face-conscious British aristocratic society.

This is precisely why Arthur is not surprised by Viscount Melbourne’s increasing tendency to tear up over the years. Family factors are part of it, and also, he is already 58 years old, an age where people are indeed more prone to melancholy, especially those who have lived lives filled with contradiction, who are even more likely to tear up when reminded of sad matters.

Among the old fellows, those who can still live without a care and with grace might just be a rare few like Talleyrand.

But regardless of Viscount Melbourne’s character, Arthur has no intention of allowing the Whig Prime Minister to show the slightest weakness in the subsequent arrangements regarding Conroy.

However, it must be said that Conroy is indeed skilled at choosing whom to target with his demands, because presenting these demands to either the Duke of Wellington or in front of Sir Robert Peel, or discussing them with Home Secretary Lord John Russell or Foreign Secretary Viscount Palmerston, would likely result in a harsh rebuke.

Yet he directly approached the Prime Minister Viscount Melbourne, and in private meetings no less, which makes it difficult for someone with Viscount Melbourne’s personality to outright reject his requests.

Arthur certainly hasn’t forgotten how Conroy treated him last year at Ramsgate. However, regarding the matter of conferment, he really cannot intervene, as he lacks a legitimate position to do so in court matters.

Arthur couldn’t help but frown, ”Do others know about Conroy asking the Prime Minister for a conferment?”

”Sir.” Ledley responded respectfully, ”I came over today to brief you on this matter. According to our observations yesterday at Kensington Palace, it seems that about half of the Privy Council might have received the news. Additionally, our plainclothes officers stationed near Kensington Palace observed Baron Stockma talking with Viscount Melbourne about this matter at a café outside Kensington Palace yesterday.”

”How did they talk?”

”Our officers didn’t catch everything that was discussed between the two excellencies,” Ledley paused, then continued, ”but it seems Baron Stockma wasn’t in such a hurry to condemn Conroy. In his view, he is more worried now that if Her Majesty the Queen’s rebellion against her mother and Sir John Conroy comes too quickly or too strongly, it would easily make the public feel she is ungrateful and unruly, and she may never recover her reputation.”

Although Arthur found Baron Stockma’s words harsh, he also had to admit that there was some truth to what this private advisor sent by Belgian King Leopold I said.

Since British society entered the modern era, although the British King still retains many legal powers, military and financial controls are essentially held by Parliament. Thus, the King’s ability to securely hold onto the throne largely depends on the public’s goodwill towards the Royal Family.

Especially for a new monarch like Victoria, doing many things that spoil public goodwill soon after ascending the throne could indeed easily cause political instability and deepen societal distrust in her.

Although Victoria performed perfectly at the first meeting ceremony yesterday, this does not mean she has won everyone’s approval.

For example, Conservative Party leader Sir Robert Peel and Home Secretary Lord John Russell, while praising the Queen’s comportment, also expressed their concerns.

Sir Robert Peel, after attending the meeting, privately expressed his nostalgia for King William IV to a few Conservative Party leaders, including the Duke of Wellington: ”A monarch who truly meets constitutional requirements, by virtue of personal qualities, maturity, extensive experience in handling state affairs, and familiarity with people, etiquette, and customs, acts like the ballast of a ship. This can eliminate the ministers’ indecision, lessen the harm of rash statements made by orators relying on eloquence in parliamentary discussions, curb the rise of democracy and spread of dissatisfaction, alleviate senseless anxiety about loans and taxes, thereby ensuring the nation’s ship remains on course. Unfortunately, at this critical moment of our destiny, we are deprived of this advantage.”