The Shadow of Great Britain

Chapter 1053: Chapter 79 York Viper_2

After the Austrians completed the suppression of the uprisings in the various Italian states, although they suggested in a government memorandum to the despotic clerical governments of these Italian states that moderate preliminary reforms were needed, the intensity of the reforms they are currently presenting is no different from scratching an itch, and the Austrian reforms not only fail to satisfy the aspirations of the Italian people but also exacerbate their antagonism towards the existing government.

Secondly, if the revolutionary movement in Italy could attract some attention on the European Continent, Prussia and Russia would have to reassess their strategic deployments in Europe. Especially at this point in time, after the Ottoman Empire, under the influence of Russia, signed the Küçüktaya Agreement with Egypt, Russia’s expansionist ambitions are becoming increasingly apparent. Containing its power in other regions of Europe will help us balance its influence in Eastern and Central Europe.

Although Metternich’s desire at the upcoming Munich conference this year is to strengthen internal cooperation within the Holy Alliance, in reality, there are profound interest divisions between Austria, Prussia, and Russia.

For example, on the Polish issue, Russia hopes to expand its influence in Europe through control over Poland, using Poland as a buffer zone to defend against potential threats from the West.

Prussia, on the other hand, has its own interest claims over parts of Polish territory, especially in the Poznan area, which they hope to incorporate into Prussian territory.

While the Austrians do not have as direct a conflict of interest over Poland as Russia and Prussia, as part of the Holy Alliance, they remain alert to Russia’s aggressive expansion in Poland, fearing that such expansion will affect the balance of power in Central Europe.

And on the issues of the Balkan Peninsula and the Ottoman Empire, Russia hopes to weaken the control of the Ottoman Empire by supporting the Slavic nationalist movements in the Balkan Peninsula, thereby expanding its own sphere of influence, particularly hoping to gain access to the Black Sea and the Mediterranean Sea.

Austria strongly opposes Russia’s expansion in the Balkans because it directly threatens Austria’s interests in Southeastern Europe. Austria has significant political and economic interests in the region and hopes to maintain the territorial integrity of the Ottoman Empire to curb Russia’s expansion.

The Prussians are not interested in the Balkan Peninsula, but as part of the German Confederation, Prussia is very eager to unite with Russia on the Ottoman issue to weaken Austria, thereby giving themselves more opportunity to seize leadership of the German Confederation from Austria.

As for Italy, Austria controls the Lombardy-Venetia region of Northern Italy and strongly opposes the Italian unification movement, attempting to maintain its rule in Italy. While Prussia and Russia have no direct interests in Italy, both are wary of the Italian nationalist movement, fearing that similar movements could trigger a wave of revolutions in other parts of Europe.

However, if Austria offends them on other matters concerning their interests, they could also become Austria’s opponents in Italy.

I firmly believe, with His Majesty the King’s and the ministers’ vast wisdom and foresight, they can easily find the most suitable combinations in each of these matters. Using different combinations on different issues will produce different effects. But before that, I suggest that Britain should collect as many resources as possible that we can mobilize on each issue.

Establishing good relations with nationalist forces like Young Italy, flexibly using diplomatic means to support these potential revolutionary forces, will preemptively secure Britain’s moral advantage and public opinion in achieving liberal reforms in Europe, and positively impact Britain’s strategic layout in Europe, thereby achieving our strategic objectives.

I hereby await Your Excellency’s latest instructions and reply.

May God bless His Majesty the King and his country.

Sir Arthur Hastings

Embassy of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland to the Kingdom of France

Paris, France

——M.S. Anderson, “The Far-Seeking Vision: The British Foreign Office 1782-1982”

The duty of the monarch is to execute the will of the people, the duty of the Prime Minister is to execute the will of the monarch, the duty of the Foreign Secretary is to execute the will of the Prime Minister, and the duty of the diplomat is to execute the will of the Foreign Secretary. In this regard, our dear ‘York Viper’ Sir Arthur Hastings has done well until he showed his fangs today, but this cannot be entirely blamed on him, for I should have realized long ago that his heart had turned to stone since 1832.

——Viscount Palmerston, June 25, 1850, in a speech at a debate in the Lower House

Inside a small tavern next to the Breaux Detective Agency.

Schneider retrieved a freshly arrived letter from his pocket and handed it to Arthur at a table by the street shrouded in smoke.

Arthur, without looking up, dealt with the Provencal stew before him with a spoon, showing no intention to take the letter.

“There’s no need to give it to me, just tell me directly how the minister replied.”

Schneider took a puff on his cigar: “Arthur, what do you mean by this? I wouldn’t open someone else’s letter in private.”

“I am not doubting your integrity, Schneider.”

Arthur wiped his mouth with a napkin: “I just figured if it was truly confidential information, the minister wouldn’t have sent it via such a casual channel. So even if others see the contents of the letter, it’s of no consequence.”